International Criminal Court (ICC)

Assessing the Controversial Meeting of a U.N. Official and Russian Official Wanted for Arrest in the Hague

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May 22nd, 2023

Оцінка контроверсійної зустрічі представника ООН та російської чиновниці, яку розшукують для арешту в Гаазі

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May 22nd, 2023

An International Special Tribunal is the Only Viable Path to a Just and Lasting Peace in Ukraine

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May 9th, 2023

Надання юрисдикції та ордери МКС на арешт Путіна та Львової-Бєлової

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Apr 21st, 2023

Conferred Jurisdiction and the ICC’s Putin and Lvova-Belova Warrants

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Apr 21st, 2023

The United States’ Proposal on Prosecuting Russians for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine is a Step in the Right Direction

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Apr 6th, 2023

Does Russia Exercise Overall Control over the Wagner Group? Expert Q&A from Stockton Center’s Russia-Ukraine Conference

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Apr 5th, 2023

An Assessment of the United States’ New Position on An Aggression Tribunal for Ukraine

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Mar 29th, 2023

Чи є внесення змін до Римського статуту панацеєю від очевидної вибірковості та безкарності за злочин агресії, вчинений проти України?

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Mar 21st, 2023

Is Amending the Rome Statute the Panacea Against Perceived Selectivity and Impunity for the Crime of Aggression Committed Against Ukraine?

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Mar 21st, 2023

Чим обернеться на практиці ордер МКС на арешт Путіна?

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Mar 20th, 2023

How will the ICC’s Arrest Warrant for Putin Play Out in Practice?

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Mar 20th, 2023

The Just Security Podcast: An Arrest Warrant for Putin

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Mar 17th, 2023

The ICC Goes Straight to the Top: Arrest Warrant Issued for Putin

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Mar 17th, 2023

МКС розпочинає з верхівки: видано ордер на арешт Путіна

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Mar 17th, 2023

Unpacking New Legislation on US Support for the International Criminal Court

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Mar 9th, 2023

Almost There: When Will the Biden Administration Support the ICC in Ukraine?

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Mar 4th, 2023

Just Security Podcast: A Year in Russia’s War Against Ukraine: Forging a US Response

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Feb 24th, 2023

The Ecocide Wave is Already Here: National Momentum and the Value of a Model Law

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Feb 23rd, 2023

A Pragmatic Legal Approach to End Russia’s Aggression

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Feb 23rd, 2023

Congress Should Close the ‘Crimes Against Humanity’ Loophole

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Feb 17th, 2023

The United States Can and Should Broadly Contribute to the Trust Fund for Victims (Part IV)

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Feb 16th, 2023

The Binding Interpretation by the Office of Legal Counsel of the Laws Constraining US Engagement with the ICC (Part III)

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Feb 15th, 2023

The American Servicemembers’ Protection Act and the Dodd Amendment: Shaping United States Engagement with the ICC (Part II)

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Feb 14th, 2023

A Special Tribunal for Ukraine on the Crime of Aggression – The Role of the U.N. General Assembly

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Feb 14th, 2023

Спеціальний трибунал для України щодо злочину агресії – роль Генеральної Асамблеї ООН

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Feb 14th, 2023

U.S. Strategic Interests in Contributing to the ICC Trust Fund for Victims (Part I)

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Feb 13th, 2023

Introducing the Symposium on U.S. Support for the ICC’s Trust Fund for Victims

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Feb 13th, 2023

Letter to Editor: On So-Called Selectivity and a Tribunal for Aggression Against Ukraine

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Feb 10th, 2023

Чому “Гібридний” український трибунал щодо злочину агресії не є відповіддю

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Feb 6th, 2023

Why a “Hybrid” Ukrainian Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression Is Not the Answer

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Feb 6th, 2023

Вид трибуналу грає важливу роль для оцінки імунітетів у Спеціальному трибуналі щодо агресії проти України

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Feb 1st, 2023

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