Laws of war

Lieber at Sand Creek: A New Critical Reinterpretation of the Laws of War

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Mar 3rd, 2023

Can Aid or Assistance Be a Use of Force?: Expert Q&A from Stockton Center’s Russia-Ukraine Conference

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Mar 2nd, 2023

A Values-based Approach to Foreign Policy? Lessons for the Biden Administration

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Feb 23rd, 2023

Assessing Military Operations in the Black Sea a Year Into Russia’s Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

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Feb 21st, 2023

Israel is Annexing the West Bank. Don’t be Misled by its Gaslighting

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Feb 9th, 2023

The Just Security Podcast: Closing the War Crimes Impunity Gap

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Jan 20th, 2023

Poland’s Position on International Law and Cyber Operations: Sovereignty and Third-Party Countermeasures

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Jan 18th, 2023

Closing the Impunity Gap for War Crimes

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Jan 12th, 2023

Investigating (Mis)conduct in War is Already Difficult: Will the use of Military AI Make it Harder?

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Jan 5th, 2023

Dutch Court, in Life Sentences: Russia Had “Overall Control” of Forces in Eastern Ukraine Downing of Flight MH17

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Dec 19th, 2022

Missed Opportunities and Minor Progress: The FY 2023 National Defense Bill and War Powers

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Dec 15th, 2022

Gender Norms as a Tool for Wartime Torturers – A Look at Sexual and Gender-Based Violence under International Humanitarian Law

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Nov 28th, 2022

Over 80 Countries Committed to Curb Use of Explosive Weapons, Now Comes the Hard Part

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Nov 23rd, 2022

Amid the Russia-Ukraine War, a Dutch Court Prepares to Rule on Four Suspects in the 2014 Downing of Flight MH17

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Nov 15th, 2022

Ending Perpetual War

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Oct 25th, 2022

What the White House Use of Force Policy Means for the War in Somalia

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Oct 20th, 2022

The Biden Drone Playbook: The Elusive Promise of Restrained Counterterrorism

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Oct 17th, 2022

The Law of Occupation Must Address the Lives of Women and Girls

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Oct 12th, 2022

Biden’s New Counterterrorism Policy Guidance Further Entrenches the Forever War

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Oct 11th, 2022

Assessing Biden’s New Policy Framework for Counterterrorism Direct Action

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Oct 11th, 2022

Припиніть говорити «анексовані території»: альтернативи терміну агресора

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Oct 5th, 2022

Stop Saying “Annexed Territories”: Alternatives to the Bully’s Term

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Oct 5th, 2022

Аргументи щодо створення Спеціального трибуналу для переслідування злочину агресії, вчиненого щодо України

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Sep 28th, 2022

The Case for Creating a Special Tribunal to Prosecute the Crime of Aggression Committed Against Ukraine (Part IV)

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Sep 28th, 2022

The Case for Creating a Special Tribunal to Prosecute the Crime of Aggression Committed Against Ukraine

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Sep 26th, 2022

Аргументи щодо створення Спеціального трибуналу для переслідування злочину агресії, вчиненого щодо України

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Sep 26th, 2022

The Case for Creating a Special Tribunal to Prosecute the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine (Part III)

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Sep 26th, 2022

Q&A on Russia-Backed Referendums in Eastern Ukraine and International Law

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Sep 24th, 2022

In ICC Investigation of 2008 Russia-Georgia War Crimes, Don’t Let Justice Delayed Become Justice Denied

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Sep 23rd, 2022

Аргументи щодо створення Міжнародного трибуналу для переслідування злочину агресії, вчиненого щодо України

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Sep 20th, 2022

The Case for Creating an International Tribunal to Prosecute the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine (Part I)

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Sep 20th, 2022

Справедливість щодо злочину агресії сьогодні, стримування агресивних війн завтра: українська перспектива

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Aug 24th, 2022

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