Featured Articles

Why the War in Ukraine Poses a Greater Nuclear Risk than the Cuban Missile Crisis

by Lawrence Korb and Stephen Cimbala

Apr 12th, 2022

The Best Path for Accountability for the Crime of Aggression Under Ukrainian and International Law

by Alexander Komarov and Oona A. Hathaway

Apr 11th, 2022

Найкращий шлях до відповідальності за злочин агресії за українським та міжнародним правом

by Alexander Komarov and Oona A. Hathaway

Apr 11th, 2022

In Ukraine, There Are No Quick Fixes

by John Erath

Apr 8th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in the Sahel

by Brian Finucane

Apr 7th, 2022

Is Genocide Occurring in Ukraine? An Expert Explainer on Indicators and Assessments

by Jonathan Leader Maynard

Apr 6th, 2022

Pressing US Officials on Russia and Int’l Criminal Court: The Interview We Should be Hearing

by Rebecca Hamilton

Apr 6th, 2022

Ukraine’s Constitutional Constraints: How to Achieve Accountability for the Crime of Aggression

by Alexander Komarov and Oona A. Hathaway

Apr 5th, 2022

The Need to Reexamine the Crime of Aggression’s Jurisdictional Regime

by Jennifer Trahan

Apr 4th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Somalia

by Oona A. Hathaway and Luke Hartig

Mar 31st, 2022

Articulating Arms Control Law in the EU’s Lethal Military Assistance to Ukraine

by Tomas Hamilton

Mar 30th, 2022

Ukraine May Mark a Turning Point in Documenting War Crimes

by Justin Hendrix

Mar 28th, 2022

Bargaining About War in the Shadow of International Law

by Eyal Benvenisti and Amichai Cohen

Mar 28th, 2022

Still at War: The United States in Yemen

by Luke Hartig and Oona A. Hathaway

Mar 24th, 2022

Introduction to Symposium: Still at War – Where and Why the United States is Fighting the “War on Terror”

by Tess Bridgeman and Brianna Rosen

Mar 24th, 2022

How States Can Prosecute Russia’s Aggression With or Without “Universal Jurisdiction”

by Diane Orentlicher

Mar 24th, 2022

How DOJ Could Prosecute Russians for War Crimes, and How Congress Can Expand Its Remit

by Edgar Chen

Mar 23rd, 2022

Why Pushing Russia Out of Multilateral Institutions is Not a Solution to the War

by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin

Mar 22nd, 2022

Why Congress Should Stay Out of U.S. Sanctions Policy on Russia

by Edoardo Saravalle

Mar 21st, 2022

The Way: The Chief Prosecutor, the Int’l Criminal Court, and Ukraine

by David Schwendiman

Mar 20th, 2022

Insight from Ukraine: Revitalizing Belief in International Law

by Maksym Vishchyk

Mar 18th, 2022

Why China Giving Military Assistance to Russia Would Violate International Law

by Oona A. Hathaway and Ryan Goodman

Mar 17th, 2022

Питання та відповіді: Наказ Міжнародного Суду ООН про тимчасові заходи у справі України проти Російської Федерації

by Chimène Keitner, Zoe Tatarsky and Just Security

Mar 16th, 2022

Q&A: The ICJ’s Order on Provisional Measures in Ukraine v. Russian Federation

by Chimène Keitner, Zoe Tatarsky and Just Security

Mar 16th, 2022

The Intersection of Accountability and Diplomacy in Addressing Russia’s War in Ukraine

by David Bosco

Mar 15th, 2022

Model Indictment for Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine: Prosecutor v. President Vladimir Putin

by Ryan Goodman and Rebecca Hamilton

Mar 14th, 2022

The Operational and Legal Risks of a No-Fly Zone Over Ukrainian Skies

by Mark Nevitt

Mar 10th, 2022

Механізми кримінального переслідування агресії Росії проти України

by Tom Dannenbaum

Mar 10th, 2022

Mechanisms for Criminal Prosecution of Russia’s Aggression Against Ukraine

by Tom Dannenbaum

Mar 10th, 2022

Commit Fully To Sanctions Now To Help Ukraine

by Ambassador P. Michael McKinley (ret.)

Mar 10th, 2022

U.S. Under Secretary of State Nuland on Accelerating Aid to Ukraine and Sanctions Against Russia

by Viola Gienger

Mar 9th, 2022

Питання та відповіді (Частина ІІ): Україна у Міжнародному суді справедливості, Відсутність Росії та що буде далі

by Chimène Keitner, Zoe Tatarsky and Just Security

Mar 9th, 2022